We Are Sad to Pronounce That Horatio Alger is Dead...
If you're feeling that you're working hard, but not getting any further ahead, you're probably right...
The Economic Policy Institute (EPI) studies issues relating to Living wage, Minimum wage, Offshoring, Family budgets, Retirement security, Social Security, Unemployment, and Welfare.
The president of the EPI, Lawrence Mishel, just published a study about the increasing problem of income inequality in the United States, entitled "Surging wage growth for topmost sliver"
The late 19th century American author Horatio Alger, whose fame at his
time rivaled Mark Twain, wrote several rags to riches stories, illustrating how down-and-out boys might be able to achieve the American Dream of wealth and success through hard work, courage, determination, and
concern for others. These works have inspired generations of working Americans who sought to achieve the "American Dream" of middle-class security,
stability, and a solid reputation — that is, their efforts being rewarded
with a place in society, not domination of it.
Thus, Mr Mishel's report tells a story of increasing income inequality in the U.S. - not only are we not "moving up" in economic society, we're headed the other direction.
Additionally, this report illustrates that we are seeing decreasing economic mobility. Mobility not the same as “inequality” - Inequality is the difference in incomes at one moment in time. Mobility is the changes in an individual’s ranking over time, that is, are they better off compared to their peers or worse off, over time?
What this illustrates is that the "opportunity" here in the land of opportunity is shrinking.
Let me provide an example:
According to socioeconomic research published in 2004 by Earl Wysong and others, sons from the bottom three-quarters of the socioeconomic scale were less likely to move up in the 1990s than in the 1960s.
(Wysong is widely published in this area and has written several works refocusing our attention on class interests that
are rapidly polarizing American society. It redefines the terms of
class analysis by arguing that the distribution of resources critical
to class membership)
By 1998, only 10% of sons of fathers in the bottom quarter (defined by income, education, and occupation) had moved into the top quarter, whereas by comparison, by 1973, 23% of lower-class sons had moved up to the top.
Thus, there is a smaller chance that a low-income family today will move up the income ladder over time.
Whatever happened to the belief that any American could get to the top?
The United States likes to think of itself as the very embodiment of meritocracy: a country where people are judged on their individual abilities rather than their family connections. The original colonies were settled by refugees from a Europe in which the restrictions on social mobility were woven into the fabric of the state, and the American revolution was partly a revolt against feudalism. From the outset, Americans believed that equality of opportunity gave them an edge over the Old World, freeing them from debilitating snobberies and at the same time enabling everyone to benefit from the abilities of the entire population. They still do.
To be sure, America has often betrayed its fine ideals. The Founding Fathers did not admit women or blacks to their meritocratic republic. The country's elites have repeatedly flirted with the aristocratic principle, whether among the brahmins of Boston or, more flagrantly, the rural ruling class in the South. Yet America has repeatedly succeeded in living up to its best self, and today most Americans believe that their country still does a reasonable job of providing opportunities for everybody, including blacks and women. In Europe, majorities of people in every country except Britain, the Czech Republic and Slovakia believe that forces beyond their personal control determine their success. In America only 32% take such a fatalistic view.
But are they right? A growing body of evidence suggests that the meritocratic ideal is in trouble in America. Income inequality is growing to levels not seen since the Gilded Age, around the 1880s. But social mobility is not increasing at anything like the same pace: would-be Horatio Algers are finding it no easier to climb from rags to riches, while the children of the privileged have a greater chance of staying at the top of the social heap. The United States risks calcifying into a European-style class-based society.
The past couple of decades have seen a huge increase in inequality in America. The Economic Policy Institute, argues that between 1979 and 2000 the real income of households in the lowest fifth (the bottom 20% of earners) grew by 6.4%, while that of households in the top fifth grew by 70%. The family income of the top 1% grew by 184%—and that of the top 0.1% or 0.01% grew even faster. Back in 1979 the average income of the top 1% was 133 times that of the bottom 20%; by 2000 the income of the top 1% had risen to 189 times that of the bottom fifth.
Thirty years ago the average real annual compensation of the top 100 chief executives was $1.3m: 39 times the pay of the average worker. Today it is $37.5m: over 1,000 times the pay of the average worker. In 2001 the top 1% of households earned 20% of all income and held 33.4% of all net worth. Not since pre-Depression days has the top 1% taken such a big whack.
Does it matter to the typical working American that this gap in inequality is increasing? You bet it does!
Additionally I ask you to consider the impact of the systematic dismantling of social welfare institutions in the U.S. that foster mobility — education, housing, health care, adequate child care, protective labor law. How do we increase worker development, engagement and productivity when we're seeing the erosion of these "cornerstones" upon which millions of Horatio Alger figures began their careers.
When workers become discouraged workplace disengagement starts to set in, along with decreasing productivity and higher costs per unit of output. Rising levels of inequality and limited bargaining power of workers is seen today taking a long-term toll on particular workers and their families.




















